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Ingredients for a Dangerous Stew

Trump’s foreign and national defense choices are making the world less safe.

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I have been thinking about the potential cumulative effects of Trump’s various diplomatic and defense policy choices of late. I do not like what the list of ingredients could sum to. I am not trying to be alarmist, but let’s consider the following elements in a bit of a thumbnail sketch.

  • A sustained campaign of alienating friends.
    • NATO. The US government has systematically eroded its relationship with NATO, the most important defense alliance arguably of all time.
    • South Korea. Out of the blue, recently Trump criticized US participation in a long-standing set of war games with South Korea and praised North Korea in the process. We also redeployed assets from South Korea to the Iran theater.
    • Canada. Canada and the United States share the most peaceful and unproblematic massive border in the world. We share a great deal culturally, and we are tremendously successful business partners. And yet, Trump has convinced a subset of the US population that Canada is the enemy and has started a pointless trade war with them.
  • Promoting strong men. Trump appears to hate our friends, but he sure loves people like Xi, Putin, Km Jung Un, and Erdogan.
  • Unnecessarily disrupting the global economy.
    • The whole tariff regime he keeps trying to install has created substantial uncertainty in global markets and has threatened to upend the very foundation of the neoliberal trading order that has been a lynchpin of the post-WWII peace, and of US global dominance since the end of the Cold War.
    • The massive miscalculation over the Strait of Hormuz and its effects on things like diesel and fertilizers, among other commodities.
    • Threats to issue a new sanctions regime against Iran, which will require economic warfare against other countries, which just widens an already problematic conflict.
  • A return to old-school militarism, imperialism, and mercantilism. This is related to the previous three bullet points, but this administration’s rhetorical and material shift away from a pro-liberal democracy to great powers/spheres of influence approach to global politics empowers Russia and China.
    • Trump’s rhetorical thirst for territorial expansion, with Greenland being the most obvious, since the Danes definitely take it seriously. Add in the “51st state” rhetoric about Canada and the notion of renaming the Strait of Hormuz.
    • The removal of Maduro in Venezuela and the oil deal that was just announced.
    • The petty renaming of the Gulf of Mexico and Lake Ontario.
    • The general idea that we should be maintaining our sphere of influence over the Americas, which implies that Russia and China have the right to dominate their own spheres.
    • The idea (which also is part of the previous point) that trade and economic interchange is some kind of zero-sum game and a tool of national power rather than a means of interchange, integration, and friendship that can have positive-sum outcomes.
  • Demonstrating military weakness.
    • In Iran, despite all that has been blown up, we are demonstrating that we cannot force a weaker power to submit to our strategic goals. China is paying attention to this.
    • In Iran, we are expending a substantial amount of ordnance that cannot be quickly replaced. This will have follow-on effects in Ukraine and very specifically tells adversaries that we lack certain capabilities.
    • The gutting of military leadership by Hegseth as part of his obviously ideologically driven anti-DEI, pro-loyalty approach is not only an obvious detriment to military readiness; it is something else our adversaries are surely noticing.
    • Ignoring current trends in warfare. Both Ukraine and Iran have demonstrated the importance of drone warfare, and yet the US government is currently obsessed with large and expensive weapons that take a long time to produce.

Beyond this list, I would add three other vague themes.

First is just a simplistic approach to power. Trump’s worldview eschews the notion that power might emerge out of cooperation and friendship. No, he has a childish view of power that manifests in blowing things up and being a bully.

Second, it is a backward-looking worldview. His obsession with oil, for example, while ignoring the growing Chinese dominance in electric vehicles, or not understanding that if we had more renewable sources of energy (like the windmills he irrationally hates), places like the Strait of Hormuz would matter less.

Third, whether it be internal policies on immigration, or broader views of the way the international system works, this administration is actively feeding a growing international resurgence of nationalism. This is not in our interests, nor in the globe’s.

If one were writing a novel about how we got into WWIII, the above list would be, unfortunately, a great starting spot. It paints a picture of the removal of the US-led alliance as the main force in the global order, as reinforced by highly integrated economies. It further underscores the weakness of the US even as a military power and illustrates openings for China and Russia to expand their influence. Certainly, this list (and no doubt any number of other things I am leaving out) will be part of some future historian’s work about how we shifted from an era of relative peace and stability to one of greater global conflict.

It seems undeniable that Trump has essentially ended the post-WWII world order as it evolved into the post-Cold War peace. Understand that, of course, that order was imperfect, as is any set of human institutions. Still, the movement away from strict nationalism and zero-sum state interactions (whether in terms of territorial control or basic economic interactions) was an unvarnished good.

Like so many adults who did not live through the era of childhood diseases, and so convince themselves that vaccines are unnecessary, so too it appears that too many politicians in the current era simply have forgotten, or never learned, what the world was like when we fought constantly over borders and territory. Nor do they want to listen to the experts about the downside of mercantilism and treating everyone like a competitor instead of looking to make friends.

I will confess to some (small) level of irrational optimism (or probably just denial) that we aren’t headed to a much more conflictual world order and hope that some of this can be reversed. But a more coldly rational assessment tells me that the world that allowed the US to lead because we could be trusted to do so (warts and all) is over. Electing Trump once could have been an aberration of the Electoral College; a mistake. Doing it twice while the Republican Party takes itself down the white nationalist pathway means we can’t be trusted the way that had been the case, and there is no replacement sitting in the wings.

As such, we seem headed towards a world of greater uncertainty where powers like Russia will continue to push, former friends like Canada will have to hedge when they deal with us, and states in general will have to think about international trade and alliances in terms of zero-sum calculations. This is a world that will have more conflict, and that isn’t good for anybody.

(If there is anything that needs to be added to my list, feel free to share in the comments.)

29 responses to “Ingredients for a Dangerous Stew”

  1. I’d add to the list:
    – Refusal to cooperate with international climate mitigation

    Ignoring the use of a combination of diplomacy, assistance, trade, and regional security to promote stable and democratic states
    Above all seeming to believe an international environment that favours the prosperity, security, and influence of the US is somehow the natural order of things.
    An attitude that I think would have struck US policymakers in the 1940’s and 50’s as remarkably short-sighted and naive.

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    1. @JohnSF

      An attitude that I think would have struck US policymakers in the 1940’s and 50’s as remarkably short-sighted and naive.

      Indeed.

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      1. One of my main focus areas when studying history was the interaction of US and UK international policy from c. 1935 to 1955.
        It was striking how after the severe shock of the near-disaster for the US of 1935 to 1941, both Democrat and Republican actors in international policy were determined to create a post-war structure that enabled US interests both via military predominance, and by cooperative structures both diplomatic and economic.

        Such persons as Truman. Acheson, Marshall, Byrnes, Dulles, Eisenhower, Nitze, Harriman, etc may have had their faults, failings and foibles.
        But they were serious people.

        And they created a structure that enabled US relative security and general prosperity, while also enabling a largely rules-based system attractive (despite some cavils and quarrels) to non-coerced allies and neutrals.

        The current activities in Washington call to mind a bunch of teenagers, smashing up out of pique and hubris things they take for granted and fail to understand.

  2. Michael Reynolds Avatar
    Michael Reynolds

    I will confess to some (small) level of irrational optimism (or probably just denial) that we aren’t headed to a much more conflictual world order and hope that some of this can be reversed. But a more coldly rational assessment tells me that the world that allowed the US to lead because we could be trusted to do so (warts and all) is over. Electing Trump once could have been an aberration of the Electoral College; a mistake. Doing it twice while the Republican Party takes itself down the white nationalist pathway means we can’t be trusted the way that had been the case, and there is no replacement sitting in the wings.

    Yep, Trump and the 49% of American voters who put this vile pig of a man back in the White House have killed the Pax Americana. It’s infuriating.

    Good piece, Steven.

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    1. It’s the 49% who voted for him that will prove to be the most troublesome to restoring the US’s global standing. I think most of the old-school militarism, imperialism, and mercantilism is non-representative of public sentiment and I see no trend in this direction. It is rather due to the fact that Trump is a simpleton and a bully, while the Republican Party is so epically cowardly. None of Greenland, Canada, and South Korea would be a thing if not for Trump and those who would rather bend the knee than speak up for their predispositions. Defeat Trump and I believe a whole lot of this overly simplistic approach to foreign policy would be reversed in due time.

      But, our allies are not going to trust the US again until our electorate shows that we can handle a democracy. Whatever remains of establishment GOP, plus the inattentive, misinformed middle, has to reject the MAGA true believers as a voting bloc that can be part of the coalition. Shame their racism and cruelty back to the fringes where they were before Trump let them fly their freak flags so proudly.

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      1. @Scott F. I think that the main problem is that even if we prove ourselves responsible again, how long will it take before trust is restored, and what will have happened globally in the meantime?

        It is like a rupture of trust in a marriage or friendship: it may be reparable, but how long will it take? And if it takes too long, will circumstances so change that true reconcilliaiton is impossible?

        1. I expect it could take a very long time.

          I don’t even know if it is possible, but I do know it is necessary. Trust won’t be restored until we address the non-representative elements of our electoral system you write so often about here: the gross gerrymandering, the skewed influence of having an Electoral College, our corrupt campaign financing, etc. We’ve got to take affirmative measures to fix our system that gives undue influence to the GOP base and oligarchic donors before our historic allies trust us enough to give us whatever time it will take to win them back.

          To save a marriage, I would expect the cheating spouse has to do more than delete their lover’s phone number. They’ve got to get therapy and work hard on themselves to be given even a chance.

      2. The complete collapse of Republican Congressional resistance to Trump is shocking in the extreme to European Atlanticists.
        What they (we) should have factored in was the inherent structural vulnerability of US “two-party plus non-member primary” systems to base capture by nutters.

        Simply because it never happened in ways so obvious re key economic and foreign policy meant it got ignored.
        In retrospect, there were foreshowings: the “anti-communist” hysteria of the Birchers etc, the takeover of the southern Republicans by racists, the growing “evangelical ascendancy”.

        But none of those seemed likely to overturn basic rationality in international and economic policy.
        We were complacent.
        Mea culpa.

  3. I am actually pretty negative. I think that Trump supporters either would not acknowledge any of your points or seem them positive. I think that the GOP nominee will either be Trump (SCOTUS will somehow rule in his favor) or someone who gains the nomination but trying to out-Trump the original. On the Dem side I have no idea who will become the nominee but the Dems are currently shooting themselves in the foot. The DSA is a huge mistake. What ever their policies and candidates are may or may not matter but socialism is a bad word in the American English dialect. For the political involved and knowledgeable it wont matter so much but for the large uninformed middle without strong party affiliations, the Ariana Grande voters if you will, they are going to hear the word socialist and tune out.

    Steve

    1. @steve222

      The DSA is a huge mistake… they are going to hear the word socialist and tune

      Maybe, but I think a lot of the hand-wringing over the DSA is overblown. Indeed, I think the DSA surge is because many voters want someone who will fight Trumpism and the DSA types seem more like fighters than the more standard Dem types.

      Regardless, if, in fact, the mere hint of the word “socialist” will be enough to keep us in Trumpland despite all the damage he has done, then we are simply doomed, and absolutely nothing matters.

      I would counter that, more likely than not, 2028 will be driven, as was 2024, by economic sentiment in the population, regardless of whom each party nominates.

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      1. Being called a socialist is one thing, as that may reflect support of the social contract and of existing social welfare programs that are quite popular and other programs that many aspire to. But to be a member of the DSA party is to take on the baggage of the party platform, which paints a number of targets on the candidate’s back. From PBS in late July, Republicans decry a new Democratic Socialists of America platform as Dem primaries split the party:

        Among the suggested changes are expanding voting rights, publicly financing all elections, replacing the two-party system with a multi-party democracy, establishing public ownership of large corporations and expanding rights for immigrants while ending Immigration and Customs Enforcement detentions and deportations.

        In a recent appearance on “Fox News Sunday,” the group’s co-chair Megan Romer confirmed various aspects of the agenda while acknowledging that some of the proposals, like abolishing borders and prisons, would be considered parts of a long-term plan.

        The DSA party website itself includes this:

        Defund the Department of War…and close overseas military bases.

        Talk about a demonstration of military weakness.

        1. One of the roles that so-called “extremists” have played in democracies throughout their brief history is to move our old friend the “Overton Window”, who has gone missing in the media lately. It would be a sad day indeed if the Democratic Party consisted of nothing but cookie cutter “moderates”, AKA old-fashioned conservatives. MAGA histrionics about the socialists taking over are self-evident scaremongering nonsense, but if the handful of new DSA members persuades their caucus to be a bit braver in the positions they take, it will be all to the good.

      2. Michael Reynolds Avatar
        Michael Reynolds

        I have a lot of issues with the DSA, and I suspect AOC and her crowd will start to shed some of the more idiotic positions and focus on the economic issues.

        But I agree the panic is overblown. We need to de-nationalize the Democratic Party and let a hundred flowers bloom. (Possibly without using Mao’s phrase). Let what works in Massachusetts work in Massachusetts and what works in Texas work in Texas. We have a core of issues both libs and progs agree on. We need to talk about the rich/poor gap, the concentration of wealth and power, the specifics of the current economy, health care (as always) and rooting out Trump’s corruption.

        I wish the Dems and the Socialist Dems would issue a condemnation of corruption and a commitment to ending it, with specifics. Corruption is an issue on a low simmer that could be turned up to a boil.

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        1. Corruption and the influence of “insolent wealth” is always a sensible option.
          Because it combines public appeal with sensible politics AND sound principles of a sustainable democratic polity.

          Though imho, the “Citizens United” decision by the Supreme Court was a basic problem.
          And given the US problem of statute not being able to put the judges back in their box, how that’s going to be dealt with seems problematic.

    2. The GOPs were going to call us socialists and commies no matter what we do. Were in fact doing so long before DSA.

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        1. Yes, they were saying we were socialists but those in the middle, the largely uninformed class that help decide elections weren’t paying that much attention to GOP political propaganda and it just blended in as part of the general name-calling. When Democrats start calling themselves socialists it’s different.

          I agree that economic conditions may be the dominant factor like they were in the last election. However, look at how long the GOP campaigned on the defund the police issue. It was largely limited to a dozen or so cities all of them reversing it in one or two years.

          Steve

      1. I suspect the DSA are a damaging factor for the Democrats, and assuming they can just be put into local boxes that won’t effect the national opinion contest for “persuadables” may be a mistake.

        Albeit by European standards, and mine, they just seem to be pretty normal democratic socialists/social democrats, that may not play well in much of the US.

        Culture war in particular is bait.
        Do not bite on the bait.
        It has a hook in it.

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    3. I can only speak for Portland, but here, DSA candidates have shown themselves to be significantly better leaders than their plain vanilla counterparts.

  4. God, this is all so depressing.

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    1. Indeed. I’ve been re-reading Peter Turchin’s End Times. I’m leading edge boomer. Through my formative years it looked like life was improving and would continue to do so, until the 70s. If Turchin is to be believed, history rhymes because it cycles. Periods of prosperity and stability break down into instability. Our current situation certainly fits his template as a society entering crisis. Crises can lead to reform, but war, civil war, or epidemic are the norm. And a new feature of this cycle is nukes.

      There’s going to be a Blue Wave. There were Blue Waves in 2008 and 2018 – the results are before us. Huge amounts of money have flowed to our economic elites, the “Wealth Pump” Turchin says usually develops. Roberts and his accomplices have removed virtually all barriers to using that money in politics, and it will all back whichever faux populist gets the 2028 GOP nomination.

      Yes. Depressing.

      1
      1. And this is why previous Atlanticist die-hards like myself are now becoming neo-Gaullists by default.

        What else can we do when an operative US alliance not based on submission to the idiotic obsessions of MAGA hang upon the electoral college outcomes of a couple of “swing states”?
        And the previous assumed strength of Republican rational internationalists has been shown to to be (to mix the old metaphors) both built of straw and founded on sand.

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  5. On the subject of military weakness, and specifically the US ignoring current trends and falling behind in warfare, Russia has been a drone warfare innovator lately. They’ve developed more capable attack drones, including jet-engine-powered versions, and are mass producing them. There’s no end in sight to the evolving attack drone versus counter-drone war, but as long as Russia is attacking civilian targets in Ukraine, the attacker will have the advantage.

    1. And what is the answer to drones from our present Chief of Naval Operations? Spend years and billions developing laser firing ships. WAPO Guest Opinion, 9/2/26.

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      1. Michael Reynolds Avatar
        Michael Reynolds

        The plan is to throw 5 million dollars at 5 thousand dollars.

        1. Well, lasers might be a good option, given the minimal cost-per-shot.
          The problem is getting the sodding things to actually work as advertised given atmospheric conditions etc.
          They’ve been the “next big thing” for some 30 years, but still not able to get it done, it seems.

          I suspect what may work better are “command ships” running swarms of offensive and defensive and sensor drones, air, sea, and submerged.
          But with the required size to mount ABM radar, interceptors, and both ballistic and super-cruise strike missiles.

          A destroyer/drone carrier hybrid perhaps.

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    2. Another factor, that does not always get mentioned, re Ukraine, is what might be called “drones on the ground”.
      That is, semi-autonomous distributed sensors and sensor guided guns and rockets.
      Often non-radar based due to the inherent low radar signature of largely plastic drones, so increasingly using combined sensor inputs processed by AI.

      Warfare is evolving FAST in Ukraine.

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  6. I tend to be an optimist about the future of the Indo-Pacific region, which is where my own country (Australia) is situated. China has never been a nation inclined to exercise global influence by military means; last time I looked it had troops in two (2) overseas bases compared to America’s hundreds. It seeks to dominate trade and commerce in our region for its own benefit. That’s fine by me. While individual firms and industries can no doubt make valid complaints from time to time about the way China treats them, the reality is every country in our part of the world has done pretty well in parallel with the rise in Chinese power and prosperity. Complaints about the evils of Chinese cultural “infiltration” smack to me of xenophobia and racism, or at least stubborn resistance to change.

    To put it more succinctly, if the alternative is American domination by the usual combination of threats, sanctions and military action, I’ll take Chinese soft power any day.

    I would not, I hasten to add, be anywhere near as optimisic about the future if I lived in Europe or the Americas.

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