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James kicked us off this morning with a discussion about sitting Presidents’ power to regulate state secrets. Over the last week or so, this is a topic that has received a lot of analysis. Here are selections from two recent essays that I think bring up some useful points for non-experts like myself to understand things a little more clearly. (BTW: I look forward to hearing from some of our commenters like Andy who have direct experience with these systems).
First, before getting to the discussion, I think it’s important to restate that the alleged crimes listed in the FBI Mar A Lago search warrant do not have to hang on the classification status of documents, as Charlie Savage notes in a useful primer published by the New York Times:
[T]he Espionage Act of 1917 — one of the laws cited in the search warrant — protects secrets that it defines as defense-related information that could harm the United States or aid a foreign adversary. It makes no reference to classification status, and prosecutors in an Espionage Act case do not need to prove that anything was deemed classified.
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/14/us/politics/trump-classified-documents.html
Aside: If you are ever interested in reading a Times article and do not have a subscription, you can sign up for free 3-day access via the San Francisco Public Library. Libraries FTW!
Getting to the specifics of (de)classification, in addition to the New York Times article listed above, tease out some important complexities around Presidential presidential powers and processes. One, by, former Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson, is freely available to all at Lawfare. The other, by Philip Bump is available behind the Washington Post paywall.
In both cases, the authors are reacting to a claim that John Solomon made last Friday defending Trump’s possession of the documents:
Solomon: “President Trump, in order to prepare the work for the next day, often took documents, including classified documents, to the residence. He had a standing order … that documents removed from the Oval Office and taken to the residence were deemed to be declassified the moment he removed them.”
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/08/15/trump-fbi-search-classification/
Both make similar points with slightly different emphases and are worth reading. Key takeaway from both is: Yes, the President has the power to make decisions about the classification of information. And there are still certain procedures that have to be followed in order for the information to be (de)classified.
As Johnson writes
“[T]he classification and declassification of government documents, and the system created to accomplish that, is derived from the President’s authority as commander-in-chief, not from a law passed by Congress. … A very legitimate example of an exercise of the president’s declassification authority is this: suppose the president is about to have a bilateral meeting with another head of state somewhere, and wants to share classified information with that president in the best interests of the United States and its relationship with that other nation’s government. Many classified documents bear the express marking “NOFORN”—i.e., it may not be shared with any foreign national. Undoubtably, a U.S. president has the authority to make a unilateral and summary decision to share that information with his or her foreign counterpart without following the normal and very cumbersome process for declassifying documents or information
[P]art and parcel of any act of declassification is communicating that act to all others who possess the same information, across all federal agencies. This point holds true regardless of whether the information exists in a document, an email, a power point presentation, and even in a government official’s mental awareness. Otherwise, what would be the point of a legitimate declassification?”
https://www.lawfareblog.com/thoughts-mar-lago-search-and-presidents-classification-and-declassification-authority
This makes sense to me on multiple levels (both logical and bureaucratic). If the point of classification is ultimately information control, then it’s critical to have a system to track that information’s status (Johnson notes earlier in the article that “it is important to note that documents themselves are not classified; it is the substance of the information contained therein that is classified.”)
Bump also emphasizes the need for a process to be followed in order for something to be classified or declassified. He also demonstrates how the Trump administration also made similar process arguments in the past:
There were also times when Trump publicly indicated that material would be declassified … only to have his lawyers and staff walk the claim back. Journalist Jason Leopold noted how White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows in 2020 responded to a request for material “declassified” by Trump in a tweet: Trump didn’t really mean to declassify all of it.
Then there was a 2018 lawsuit from the New York Times arguing that Trump had inadvertently declassified the existence of a program by mentioning it; Trump’s lawyers disagreed.
“To prevail in any claim of declassification,” the attorneys wrote in a filing, the Times had to show, “first, that President Trump’s statements are sufficiently specific; and second, that such statements subsequently triggered actual declassification.” Otherwise, the documents weren’t declassified. After all, they continued: “Declassification, even by the President, must follow established procedures.”
[Emphasis mine – mb]
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/08/15/trump-fbi-search-classification/
So we see, by the Trump Administration’s own arguments the findings of the Second Circuit [update: due to some discussion in the comments I quickly scanned the file that Bump had linked to–those are the words of the Second Circuit, not Trump’s attorneys] that some form of procedure is a critical part of the declassification process. Admittedly, as Savage points out in the Times article referenced above “There is no Supreme Court precedent definitively answering [the question of to what degree the President needs to follow normal procedures.]” And I expect that if Trump was ever charged with a crime related to these documents, this would go to the Supreme Court.
However, I’m not sure, were that to happen and Trump’s undocumented “blanket order” prevailed, if that would end up being a win for the former President. The reason for this is that Presidential (de)classification power is tied to the office and not the individual. That means that Trump’s power to declassify was lost the moment that Joe Biden assumed the presidency via oath of office. And if it stands that a “blanket order” is enough to declassify, it would imply that the inverse is true: a blanket order is enough to classify information as well. That means that Biden could claim that he put a standing “blanket order” in place to reclassify all information Trump declassified pending review.









