Fort Benning honors the nation's fallen service members with a Memorial Day ceremony at the post's cemetery May 27. The 9 a.m. ceremony at the Main Post Cemetery went forward under bright but partly cloudy skies, with an audience of some 200 Soldiers and civilians seated outdoors. The ceremony included remarks by a speaker, and a wreath-laying in tribute to "all the nation's veterans who made the ultimate sacrifice." The wreath-laying was followed by the firing of a three-volley rifle salute and the playing of "Taps." (U.S. Army photos by Patrick Albright, Maneuver Center of Excellence, Fort Benning Public Affairs)
U.S. Army photos by Patrick Albright

Iran War Casualty Count Surpasses 600

The Defense Department has issued revised figures.

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CNN (“Iran war casualty count eclipses 600 as Pentagon quietly changes accounting“):

The Pentagon updated its war casualty database Saturday, recording more than 140 additionally wounded and restoring the four soldiers killed due to Iranian strikes last week amid questions about a lack of transparency over the war’s toll.

The Defense Casualty Analysis System, or DCAS, also featured a new tracking category — “Overseas Operations” — for killed and wounded “starting July 7.”

When the new Pentagon data is combined with updated totals for Operation Epic Fury, 18 troops have died and another 624 have been wounded since the US launched its war against Iran on Feb. 28. The number of wounded is a significant increase from the previous peak of 482 observed by CNN last week.

[…]

Beyond the July 7 starting date, the new “overseas operation” category on the DCAS site does not include any distinguishing details or specify the conflict in which the casualties occur, and the Pentagon did not immediately respond to questions seeking clarification on what the category covers. The category features a by-name list of fallen troops, though, that includes the three Army soldiers killed in Jordan due to an Iranian strike and the soldier killed in northern Iraq last weekend during a controlled detonation of an Iranian drone.

The July 7 date coincides with when President Donald Trump claimed a new conflict with Iran began in a War Powers notification the administration sent to Congress earlier this month. (The War Powers Act of 1973 requires the president to end military operations within 60 days unless authorized by Congress to continue; the Trump administration argued that the April ceasefire with Iran stopped the clock on May 1 for the conflict’s initial period.)

Lawmakers of both parties have argued against the administration’s interpretation of the War Powers clock, though some analysts and officials contend that the act itself represents an unconstitutional limit on presidential war-making authority. Secretary of State Marco Rubio argued the law is “unconstitutional, 100 percent” during a May press briefing at the White House.

The notion that the resumption of strikes after a short, porous ceasefire is a new war strains credulity. Alas, it’s hardly unique.

Indeed, DCAS counts this conflict as part of the Overseas Contingency Operations (“formally” the Global War on Terrorism) that began on October 7, 2001. They include the following major named operations under this rubric:

  • Operation Enduring Freedom (Afghanistan, 7 October 2001–28 December 2014)
  • Operation Iraqi Freedom (Iraq combat operations, 20 March 2003–31 August 2010)
  • Operation New Dawn (Iraq handoff, 1 September 2010–15 December 2011)
  • Operation Inherent Resolve (Islamic State, 15 June 2014–ongoing)
  • Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (Afghanistan counterterrorism, 1 January 2015–30 August 2021)
  • Operation Epic Fury (Iran, 28 February 2026–?)**
  • Overseas Operations (unspecified location, 7 July 2026, ongoing)

Additionally, there are often multiple named operations within each major operation. The Iraq War (OIF plus OND) had dozens.

Breaking the Afghanistan and Iraq Wars down into phases—and treating the counter-Islamic State fight that was a direct offshoot of the chaos we created in Iraq as a distinct conflict—were political choices meant to signal transitions. In all cases, the distinctions were artificial. Indeed, veterans of OEF and OFS were eligible for the Afghanistan Campaign Medal and veterans of OIF and OND were eligible for the Iraq Campaign Medal, so the Department treated them as single conflicts for that purpose. (Inherent Resolve ultimately got its own medal, but its participants were initially awarded a GWOT Expeditionary Medal. Those who were can choose between the awards.)

Still, those were long wars, and there was at least some justification for treating the winddown phases as distinct from major combat operations. There’s little obvious rationale for doing so in the case of the ongoing conflict with Iran, and the press will almost certainly not go along with the plan.

It’s noteworthy, too, that the administration is not speaking with a unified voice. A 21 April State Department memo (“Operation Epic Fury and International Law“) justifies the conflict partially on the basis that

The operations recommenced in late February were part of an armed conflict with Iran that has been ongoing for years and, at the very least, since June 2025. Under well-established rules of international law, it is reasonable to conclude that this conflict did not end in the interim. And in an ongoing conflict, it is not necessary as a matter of international law to reassess whether an armed attack is imminent prior to every subsequent action taken against an adversary. 

If that’s the case, then, surely, a porous ceasefire didn’t stop the clock.


*DCAS doesn’t specify an end date, and CENTCOM still lists it as an active operation, but the page hasn’t been updated since 6 April.

12 responses to “Iran War Casualty Count Surpasses 600”

  1. Charley in Cleveland Avatar
    Charley in Cleveland

    Lawmakers of both parties have argued against the administration’s interpretation of the War Powers clock, though some analysts and officials contend that *the act itself represents an unconstitutional limit on presidential war-making authority.*

    Have we fallen through the looking glass? There is no “presidential war-making authority” in the Constitution. Article 1, section 8, sub 11 says Congress shall have the power to declare war. So yeah, the War Powers act is likely unconstitutional, but so is war waging by presidential fiat. But with CJ Roberts, there is no limitation to a president’s power…unless there is a D after that president’s name.

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    1. @Charley in Cleveland That ship sailed a very long time ago. The 1973 War Powers Resolution was both Congress’ acquiescence to that reality and an attempt to wrest back some control over our wars. I would agree that this war doesn’t even pass muster under the WPR, since there was no imminent threat that justified emergency action absent prior Congressional authority. But, again, this ain’t the first time since 1973 for that, either.

      1. Charley in Cleveland Avatar
        Charley in Cleveland

        Quit hitting me with reality! lol I just wonder where the self-proclaimed “originalist” and “textualist” judges, justices and law professors are when the clear language of the Constitution rises up on the road to a result they prefer. As demonstrated by ignoring the second amendment’s “A well regulated militia” preface, and the willingness of 3 (almost 4!) justices to disregard the birthright citizenship clause of the 14th amendment, the Constitution only means what it says when what it says is in sync with ‘reality.’

        1. @Charley in Cleveland It derives from the president’s Article II role as Commander-in-Chief.

          If POTUS is CINC, then what is the constitutional prohibition on that president ordering troops to do this or that?

          The real disconnect is that in 1787 the assumption was that we wouldn’t have a standing army, but would instead muster one if Congress decided it wanted one for a war. Moreover, the speed at which an order can manifest as a military attack on the other side of the world (and hence starting a war) was not something the Framers could have conceived of when they made POTUS the CINC.

  2. I read a fair amount of military history. Ceasefires arent all that uncommon, however they dont constitute the end of a war. Some of the long running on again/off again wars in Europe and Asia in the past had brief periods of peace and when they resumed it was sometimes considered a new war but even with those they weren’t generally considered a new war unless a substantial amount of time passed. For example, the Hundred Years War had substantial periods of peace.

    I assume this is some kind of BS messaging intended to appeal to the cult. They can claim they won the first war but Iraq started a new one.

    Steve

    1. @steve222 Technically, the Korean War ended in a ceasefire, as there was never a formal peace treaty after the Armistice. Given we’ve been more-or-less at peace since 1953, I’d consider a resumption of major combat operations a new war. Ditto, for that matter, the 1991 Gulf War I fought in and the Iraq War that kicked off in 2003. This, however, ain’t that.

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      1. Agreed. The reporting of casualties is a bit concerning. Recently had a discussion online about Vietnam and was surprised to learn that not many people remembered or were aware of McNamara and the deliberate undercounting of US casualties and the overcounting of VC casualties. This doesnt sound anywhere near that but it worries me. I would like to think our military would never engage in something like that again but at this point a lot of our flag officers and everyone on the civilian side have been chosen because they are seen as someone either loyal to Trump or wont undercut him.

        Steve

        1. @steve222

          I mean, there are still people out there who not only think Vietnam was a good idea in principle—and a matter of principles—but that it was winnable with no compromise of stated ideological and ethical stances.

          Or: the war didn’t fail, we failed the war.

          American Exceptionalism in international relations decouples principles from behavior. In the end the only principle is the exceptionalism, every other consideration becomes contingent.

          It goes beyond the scope of this thread, but I think there are parallels between the history of American intervention in Vietnam and Trumpism/MAGA.

          The starting point is the ease of seeing Trump himself, both the person and the politician, as exceptionalism applied to the individual.

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  3. Why not declare a cease fire every day when combat operations are done for the next few hours, and start a new war every day?

  4. Still, those were long wars, and there was at least some justification for treating the winddown phases as distinct from major combat operations. There’s little obvious rationale for doing so in the case of the ongoing conflict with Iran, and the press will almost certainly not go along with the plan.

    In other words, all of this is wordplay between the politicians and the media. I find it all much more insulting than edifying. Trump has made it all too clear (with support from the Roberts Court) that he is above the law, especially in official duties like war making. The press doesn’t know how to cover an administration where their gotcha-based methods are toothless. That makes this merely a dumb show to entertain the internet.

    Meanwhile, we aren’t talking about the 18 dead and the 600+ injured.

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  5. Speaking of casualties…we still haven’t seen the report on the school that was bombed in our name.

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  6. @Steven L. Taylor

    If POTUS is CINC, then what is the constitutional prohibition on that president ordering troops to do this or that?

    While there does seem to be a disconnect, I see it more as the president will manage the war and/or military action congress decides should be fought. Kind of like the various commanders in chief of different theaters can’t engage into war or military action on their own, but do so only under legal presidential orders.

    And would that it were that simple!

    To begin with, declarations of war are rather an obsolete, antiquated notion these days. I wouldn’t be surprised if the last time congress declared war was in December 1941. What happens now is congress issues a resolution or passes an authorization at the president’s request. Like the Gulf or Tonkin resolution, or the AUMF in the 2000s.

    But among all that there was the deployment of US troops to Lebanon in the 80s, Grenada, Panama, etc.

    I wonder how other countries handle such things. In particular European NATO countries.

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