
That the Senate has a skew toward rural voters, and therefore the Republican Party, is hardly a secret. Indeed, it’s been the premise of many recent OTB posts. And interesting essay by FiveThirtyEight’s Nate Silver demonstrates precisely how big that skew is.
First, his coding definitions:
At FiveThirtyEight, our favorite way to distinguish between urban and rural areas is based on using census tracts to estimate how many people live within a 5-mile radius of you. Based on this, we can break every person in the country down into four buckets:
*Rural: Less than 25,000 people live within a 5-mile radius of you;
*Exurban or small town: Between 25,000 and 100,000 people within a 5-mile radius;
*Suburban or small city: Between 100,000 and 250,000 people within a 5-mile radius;
*Urban core or large city: More than 250,000 people within a 5-mile radius.
As it happens, the overall U.S. population (including Washington D.C. and Puerto Rico) is split almost exactly evenly between these buckets: 25 percent rural, 23 percent exurban/small town, 27 percent suburban/small city, and 25 percent urban core/large city.
While one could certainly quibble with those definitions, they strike me as perfectly reasonable starting points. Crucially, while the overall American population is almost evenly divided into those four categories, the average American state is not. Indeed, 17 states have no big cities at all and another 10 have less than ten percent of their population living in them.
Here’s how that breaks down:
|
State |
Rural |
Exurban /Small Town |
Suburban /Small City |
Urban Core /Big City |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
U.S. population total* |
25% |
23% |
27% |
25% |
|
Average state |
35 |
26 |
25 |
14 |
|
State |
Rural |
Exurban /Small Town |
Suburban /Small City |
Urban Core /Big City |
|
Alaska |
53% |
18% |
28% |
0% |
|
Alabama |
51 |
33 |
16 |
0 |
|
Arkansas |
58 |
36 |
6 |
0 |
|
Arizona |
17 |
19 |
29 |
35 |
|
California |
8 |
13 |
26 |
54 |
|
Colorado |
21 |
18 |
30 |
31 |
|
Connecticut |
8 |
35 |
45 |
11 |
|
Delaware |
24 |
27 |
49 |
0 |
|
Florida |
13 |
27 |
35 |
26 |
|
Georgia |
31 |
29 |
32 |
7 |
|
Hawaii |
23 |
22 |
35 |
19 |
|
Iowa |
52 |
29 |
19 |
0 |
|
Idaho |
42 |
36 |
22 |
0 |
|
Illinois |
19 |
15 |
28 |
38 |
|
Indiana |
37 |
27 |
33 |
2 |
|
Kansas |
41 |
25 |
31 |
3 |
|
Kentucky |
52 |
20 |
23 |
5 |
|
Louisiana |
41 |
30 |
20 |
9 |
|
Massachusetts |
6 |
32 |
35 |
27 |
|
Maryland |
13 |
22 |
29 |
36 |
|
Maine |
69 |
25 |
6 |
0 |
|
Michigan |
30 |
23 |
28 |
19 |
|
Minnesota |
36 |
19 |
25 |
20 |
|
Missouri |
41 |
19 |
31 |
9 |
|
Mississippi |
65 |
29 |
6 |
0 |
|
Montana |
59 |
41 |
1 |
0 |
|
North Carolina |
37 |
36 |
25 |
1 |
|
North Dakota |
49 |
39 |
12 |
0 |
|
Nebraska |
36 |
17 |
39 |
8 |
|
New Hampshire |
39 |
42 |
18 |
0 |
|
New Jersey |
5 |
18 |
33 |
44 |
|
New Mexico |
41 |
28 |
26 |
5 |
|
Nevada |
13 |
9 |
25 |
53 |
|
New York |
14 |
14 |
15 |
57 |
|
Ohio |
26 |
29 |
33 |
12 |
|
Oklahoma |
44 |
23 |
32 |
1 |
|
Oregon |
29 |
21 |
24 |
26 |
|
Pennsylvania |
23 |
31 |
25 |
21 |
|
Rhode Island |
8 |
31 |
22 |
39 |
|
South Carolina |
40 |
41 |
18 |
0 |
|
South Dakota |
65 |
19 |
16 |
0 |
|
Tennessee |
41 |
31 |
28 |
0 |
|
Texas |
21 |
17 |
34 |
27 |
|
Utah |
21 |
19 |
41 |
19 |
|
Virginia |
28 |
22 |
34 |
17 |
|
Vermont |
79 |
21 |
0 |
0 |
|
Washington |
20 |
22 |
39 |
19 |
|
Wisconsin |
41 |
27 |
19 |
13 |
|
West Virginia |
64 |
36 |
0 |
0 |
|
Wyoming |
66 |
34 |
0 |
0 |
So, functionally, what does that mean?
It means that the Senate, de facto, has two or three times as much rural representation as urban core representation … even though there are actually about an equal number of voters in each bucket nationwide.
And of course, this has all sorts of other downstream consequences. Since rural areas tend to be whiter, it means the Senate represents a whiter population, too. In the U.S. as a whole, 60 percent of the population is non-Hispanic white and 40 percent of the population is nonwhite.1 But in the average state, 68 percent of people are white and 32 percent are nonwhite. It’s almost as if the Senate has turned the clock back by 20 years as far as the racial demographics of the country goes. (In 2000, around 69 percent of the U.S. population consisted of non-Hispanic whites.)
It also means that the median states — the ones that would be decisive in the event of a 50-50 tie in the Senate — are considerably redder than the country as a whole.
The standard response to this is that it’s baked into the cake. Why, it’s what the Framers wanted. But that’s simply untrue. Not only did “the Framers” have no uniform preference on this—a Senate with equal representation was a compromise liked by virtually none of them—but there wasn’t anything like that sort of skew in 1787 when the compromise was arrived at.

Beyond that, the Framers quite bizarrely failed to account for the rise of political parties. And, again, the skew is decidedly partisan in its impact.
A red state is most likely to decide the Senate
Republican margin or deficit in the last two presidential elections relative to national average by state and a blended average (representing current partisan lean)
| Rank | State | 2016 | 2012 | Blended* |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Wyoming | +48.4 | +44.7 | +47.5 |
| 2 | West Virginia | +43.8 | +30.5 | +40.5 |
| 3 | Oklahoma | +38.5 | +37.4 | +38.2 |
| 4 | Idaho | +33.9 | +35.5 | +34.3 |
| 5 | North Dakota | +37.8 | +23.5 | +34.2 |
| 6 | Kentucky | +31.9 | +26.5 | +30.6 |
| 7 | South Dakota | +31.9 | +21.9 | +29.4 |
| 8 | Alabama | +29.8 | +26.0 | +28.9 |
| 9 | Arkansas | +29.0 | +27.5 | +28.6 |
| 10 | Utah | +20.0 | +51.7 | +27.9 |
| 11 | Tennessee | +28.1 | +24.2 | +27.1 |
| 12 | Nebraska | +27.1 | +25.6 | +26.8 |
| 13 | Kansas | +22.5 | +25.4 | +23.2 |
| 14 | Louisiana | +21.7 | +21.1 | +21.6 |
| 15 | Montana | +22.3 | +17.5 | +21.1 |
| 16 | Indiana | +21.1 | +14.1 | +19.3 |
| 17 | Mississippi | +19.9 | +15.4 | +18.8 |
| 18 | Missouri | +20.6 | +13.2 | +18.8 |
| 19 | Alaska | +16.8 | +17.8 | +17.1 |
| 20 | South Carolina | +16.4 | +14.3 | +15.9 |
| 21 | Texas | +11.1 | +19.6 | +13.2 |
| 22 | Georgia | +7.2 | +11.7 | +8.3 |
| 23 | Iowa | +11.5 | -2.0 | +8.1 |
| 24 | Ohio | +10.2 | +0.9 | +7.8 |
| 25 | Arizona | +5.6 | +12.9 | +7.4 |
| MEDIAN | +6.6 | |||
| 26 | North Carolina | +5.7 | +5.9 | +5.8 |
| 27 | Florida | +3.3 | +3.0 | +3.2 |
| 28 | Pennsylvania | +2.8 | -1.5 | +1.7 |
| 29 | Wisconsin | +2.9 | -3.1 | +1.4 |
| 30 | New Hampshire | +1.7 | -1.7 | +0.9 |
| 31 | Michigan | +2.3 | -5.6 | +0.3 |
| 32 | Minnesota | +0.6 | -3.8 | -0.5 |
| 33 | Nevada | -0.3 | -2.8 | -1.0 |
| 34 | Virginia | -3.2 | -0.0 | -2.4 |
| 35 | Colorado | -2.8 | -1.5 | -2.5 |
| 36 | Maine | -0.9 | -11.4 | -3.5 |
| 37 | New Mexico | -6.1 | -6.3 | -6.2 |
| 38 | Oregon | -8.9 | -8.2 | -8.7 |
| 39 | Delaware | -9.3 | -14.8 | -10.7 |
| 40 | Connecticut | -11.5 | -13.5 | -12.0 |
| 41 | New Jersey | -11.9 | -13.9 | -12.4 |
| 42 | Washington | -13.6 | -10.9 | -12.9 |
| 43 | Illinois | -14.8 | -13.0 | -14.3 |
| 44 | Rhode Island | -13.4 | -23.6 | -16.0 |
| 45 | New York | -20.4 | -24.3 | -21.4 |
| 46 | Massachusetts | -25.1 | -19.3 | -23.7 |
| 47 | Maryland | -24.3 | -22.2 | -23.8 |
| 48 | California | -27.9 | -19.2 | -25.7 |
| 49 | Vermont | -24.3 | -31.7 | -26.2 |
| 50 | Hawaii | -30.1 | -38.8 | -32.3 |
Now, I suppose, one could argue that the alignment of rural and partisan interests isn’t set in stone. Maybe the Democrats should do more to court the votes of rural voters.
Still, it’s not by any means obvious why rural voters deserve outsized representation. And, even aside from the partisan skew that creates, the fact that it disproportionately advantages white voters is itself highly problematic.
What to do about any of this is far from obvious. Amending the Constitution to fix the problem is next to impossible, precisely because those who benefit most from it not only have a strong disincentive to vote against their own interests but, of course, they have an outsized share of the vote.
Silver notes that even radical solutions only move the needle so much:
Democrats could also consider adding states to the union. If both Washington D.C. and Puerto Rico became solidly Democratic states (not necessarily a safe assumption in the case of Puerto Rico), the Senate’s Republican lean would be reduced from 6.6 points to 4.5 points. If D.C. and Puerto Rico joined and California were split into three states that ranged from Democratic-leaning to solidly blue, it would deplete further to 2.5 points. But that also goes to show you how robust the Republicans’ advantage is. You could add four Democartic states (D.C., Puerto Rico, California/A and California/B) and the Senate would still have a slight Republican tilt.
Again, the caveat is important:
Obviously, political coalitions can change over time. Maybe you’re reading this article in 2036 and it seems incredibly silly because Mormons have become a super Democratic group and Montana, Utah and Idaho are all blue states … who knows.
Indeed, when I was first paying attention to this thing, the conventional wisdom was that the Republicans had a “lock” on the Electoral College, mostly because California was squarely in its corner, but the majorities in Congress were practically the Democrats’ birthright. When Newt Gingrich and the Republicans took the majority in the House pursuant to the 1994 elections, it was the first time in four decades that the GOP had control of that body.
The Senate has been slightly more fluid but Democrats took control riding FDR’s coattails in 1933 with the 73rd Congress and held it for all but two terms* until the 97th Congress rode in on Ronald Reagan’s coattails in 1981. But, even though we were seeing a realignment, Democrats have held the Senate multiple times since then. They regained control with the 100th Congress (1987-1989); the Republicans took it back with the 104th Congress (1995-1997); we briefly had a 50-50 Senate with the 107th Congress (2001-2003); Republicans took it back with the 108th Congress (2003-2005); Democrats took it back with the 110th Congress (2007-2009); and the Republicans have had it since the 114th Congress (2015-2017).
The Democrats appear poised to take it back with November’s elections. But, to Silver’s point, even wave elections in the Democrats’ favor aren’t always enough. And, certainly, the built-in advantage caused by over-representation of rural districts is part of the reason.
*The 80th Congress (1947-1949) and the 83rd Congress (1953-1955).









