The System Reinforces and Distorts the Voters

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Comments

At the risk of beating a dead horse, @steve222 makes an observation in the discussion of Steven Taylor’s post “But, Didn’t the US System Work Recently?” that illustrates why this conversation is so challenging:

I don’t really see the polarization or things like the South becoming monolithic GOP supporters as caused by our system but rather as a result of voters, especially the leaders for whom the voters are voting.

Obviously, things that have changed over time can’t be directly attributed to a relatively static system. Yet the system distorts those changes.

Since the fight over the 2000 election vote count, we have been fixated on Red States and Blue States. But there is no such thing; they’re an artifact of a winner-take-all system. The Reddest state, Wyoming, is 70-30 Republican. Similarly, the Bluest, Vermont, is 72-28 Democratic. In a different system, the other party would have 30 percent of the say in politics; in our current system, they have none. In a different system, we would have more than two parties, so we’d be less sorted.

In the case of presidential politics, Democrats in Wyoming and Republicans in Vermont have no reason to show up. Their votes don’t matter in the slightest. (That’s true of the dominant party, to a lesser extent, but voting for the winner is more psychologically rewarding.) If we simply eliminated the Electoral College and elected the President on the basis of the national popular vote, everyone’s vote would count equally. No more Red States. No more Blue States. And, most importantly, no more Swing States.

Further, because of our system, it’s not just all but guaranteed that Wyoming will have two Republican Senators and Vermont two Democrats. Because party nominees are chosen in primary elections, those four Senators will be selected by the most rabid partisans in the state. So not only is the outcome foreordained, but we also tend to get an extreme version of it.

Coincidentally, Wyoming (588,753) and Vermont (644,663) are the two smallest states by population. They get exactly the same number of Senators as our two largest states, California (39,355,309) and Texas (31,709,821). That radically distorts our politics. And, since states (again, not people) get Electoral College votes equal to their representation in the Senate + House, that distortion is repeated in our presidential politics.

A system where we chose our Presidents, Senators, and Representatives as people rather than as blocs would produce wildly different outcomes. So would one that was more proportional, and thus allowed more than two viable political parties. Or one in which party leaders, rather than the most enthusiastic partisans, chose the candidates.

What if, rather than fighting each other for control of the Democratic Party, the Democratic Socialists and Third Way Democrats were both viable parties that could win seats in the legislature and compete for a place in the governing coalition? Ditto MAGA and Bulwark Republicans? No more Bernie Bros making protest votes for Jill Stein. No more traditional Republicans holding their nose and voting for Trump with Hillary or Kamala as their only alternative. Same voters, different outcomes.

So, yes, we can blame people for being racist, sexist, xenophobic, self-centered, and all the rest. We can blame demagogues who pander to those prejudices. We can blame an increasingly toxic information sphere that amplifies all of that. But that’s all filtered through a system that provides voters two viable parties to choose from, neither of which likely represents their views well, with the outcome all but baked in in most states and districts. Because we vote by state and district.

Further, as Steven detailed in his post “The Messy Nature of America’s Democratic Structures,” our system’s divided government and staggered elections dilute voter preferences. We elect the President every four years, the entire House of Representatives every two years, and a third of the Senate every two years. So, in addition to all the other distortions, voters never get a referendum on the whole government at once, and when the White House and at least one House of Congress are controlled by different parties, elected representatives work against one another. This not only delays and confuses accountability, but it gives cover for things like the Merrick Garland outrage.

Take the same voters and media environment and put them in something like the UK’s Responsible Government model (which still has many of the flaws inherent in Single Member Districts), and you get considerably different outcomes. Ditto Germany’s bounded proportional representation system.

45 responses to “The System Reinforces and Distorts the Voters”

  1. If we simply eliminated the Electoral College and elected the President on the basis of the national popular vote, everyone’s vote would count equally. No more Red States. No more Blue States. And, most importantly, no more Swing States.

    Pundits still talk about red counties and blue counties and even swing counties (though the phrase “bellwether county” is more common). But there’s usually an understanding that they exist on a spectrum. A typical electoral map by county will show lighter and darker shades of red and blue. It’s still easy for these maps to mislead due to the modern phenomenon that Republicans generally win a lot more counties than Democrats, but the ones Dems win tend to be the most populated ones. Many solid-blue states don’t look very blue visually. But the relative shadings can at least give a sense of where the vote is most concentrated.

    If the US ever transitions to a national popular vote, there will still be electoral maps showing states Dems won in blue and states Repubs win in red, and I don’t think pundits and campaign operatives will stop using those terms–but likely these maps will use shadings of red and blue just like with the county maps. That’s what many other countries do (though in other countries, red usually means more left-wing, blue more right-wing, as used to be the case in the US).

    1. @Kylopod My understanding is that, prior to 2000, networks alternated red and blue for the two parties. Because we spent months dissecting that contest, the “red” and “blue” labels became fixed.

      My point isn’t so much that states, counties, and whatnot don’t lean toward one political party. Rather, it’s that this mostly matters because we make the state and the congressional district the locus of political power rather than the individual citizen. If we simply aggregated votes, where they came from would be of only academic interest.

      1. The idea that networks alternated their color scheme prior to 2000 is somewhat of an oversimplification; it was more a gradual process (even by 1996, most news outlets–including the Big Three and CNN–were showing Dole states in red and Clinton states in blue), but it’s true that 2000 was when it all coalesced, and that the aftermath was when the terms “red state” and “blue state” entered the common lexicon.

        My main point is that the concept of red and blue states won’t go away if the US ever transitions to a national popular vote, they’ll just be viewed as less discrete, the way we already talk about red and blue counties.

        1. @kylopod I can’t predict how we’d talk about it. But it would matter a whole lot less, because states and counties wouldn’t matter in the presidential vote — just voters. And we’d likely have higher turnout, since people would be less likely to feel like their vote was wasted.

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        2. Counties do matter, even though they aren’t winner take all. Any analysis as to the results in a particular state is going to talk about which counties flipped, and how well each candidate did in the reliably red and blue ones. In a national popular vote system, pundits would still talk about which candidate won, say, Pennsylvania, simply because it’s a large state that has tended to be (but isn’t always) a bellwether for the national results in recent elections.

        3. @kylopod There would be no need to tend to states at all under a national popular vote. “Winning Pennsylvania” would be completely irrelevant because there would be no “Pennsylvania” to win, only Pennsylvania voters.

          In 2016, Trump won by 44,292 votes
          In 2020, Biden won by 80,555 votes
          In 2024, Trump won by 120,266 votes

          In an election where we simply tallied up national votes, that would be mildly interesting for post-election analysis of national contests with margins 3 million, 7 million, and 2 million. But it would matter little at all for the campaign.

        4. Just because something doesn’t determine the winner doesn’t make it irrelevant. Campaigns routinely look at bellwether counties within critical states, not because winning those counties automatically means they’ll win the election, but because they give the campaign useful info about what voters are doing and how to structure their campaigns. In other presidential federalist democracies, all of which use a national popular vote, campaigns pay close attention to large bellwether states/provinces with a history of voting for the winner.

  2. I still don’t see any evidence that more parties result in better governance. I think the current American mess has two primary causes: First, the Republican Supreme Courts blessing of unlimited money in politics, even obviously corrupt money (“It’s not a bribe if they are friends!”), which lets billionaire hobbyists buy and sell politicians and get good return on them.

    Second is the cancerous spread of the values of the neo-feudal South, which is based on keeping a rigid social hierarchy and the scapegoating and theft that requires

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    1. @MarkedMan What if I were to tell you that the South (and rural America generally) are as powerful as they are because of institutional designs that over-represent them in our politics?

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      1. Plus:

        Republican Supreme Courts

        What if I told you that SCOTUS is only constituted as it is because of structural conditions?

        No sane institutional design would allow two presidents who first came to office by losing the popular vote to have the power to appoint 5 members of the highest court for life after having been confirmed by Senates that represented a minority of the voters.

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      2. The fact that they are overrepresented is a whole different issue. (And it’s not as clear as you make it out to be. The underrepresented states in the electoral are the most populous, and Texas and Florida are in there along with California and New York.)

        I was bringing up something different from that. I contend that American Society as a whole has been degraded and sent backwards as the neo-feudal values of the slave/Jim Crow states metastasized and spread across the country via the Republican Party.

        And the reason I put billionaires and corruption first is because I think it is a much more significant problem. We spent decades developing a culture that was less tolerant of corruption and had reduced the power of the few to buy influence (to the great benefit of the country) and the Republican Supremes tossed it all in the toilet.

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    2. @MarkedMan: I know this is your view, and you are certainly entitled to it. I will confess that you are quite dismissive of thousand of words and reams of research.

      But you are correct in one way: no system guarantees good government.

      But, where I would stridently state that you are wrong is that a great way to solve all the problems you list is to create a structure that nurtures a viable multi-party system. The evidence is clear. I know you dont think it is, but the global experience of other democracies clearly shows that many of the pathologies you note are better mananged by
      different structures.

      Very little in life, and especially
      mass politics is guaranteed. The question should be not “does this gurantee a good result” but “which option increases the chances of a better outcome?”

      If I eat healthier, drink less, and exercise, I am not guaranteed long life and good health. But it does increase my odds. And the fact that i can find some outlier who eats donuts daily, drinks all the time, and does nothing and yet lived to a healthy 95 proves nothing about anything.

      1. The evidence is clear.

        I don’t think we are going to get anywhere with this. I’ve purchased the books you recommended and read the chapters you highlighted and didn’t see much about governmental effectiveness. Mostly it seemed to beg the question: it defined “good” as “more choice” and then demonstrated that some systems promoted more choice than others and were therefore better.

        My criteria is different: which systems are more likely to produce a government that positively affects peoples lives? Which can better stand up to outside threats? Which can take on and manage the difficult problems?

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        1. @MarkedMan Could you name some countries that “produce a government that positively affects peoples lives?”

          Also: Could you name some examples of such policies in the US?

  3. @James: Well said.

    It is manifestly true that if you take the same voters and put them in a different system that would behave differently at the mass level.

    We know this because of decades of comparative politics.

    We also know this because if you take athletes (or humans in any circumstances) and change the rules/parameters under which they are doing whatever they are doing, they adapt to the new incentive structuresthat bind them.

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  4. My conventional wisdom is that parties beyond the Big Two don’t get anywhere because they only come out in force for presidential tickets and lack any constituency otherwise. How true that is, and whether they could become a force if they started focusing on downstream elections and holding more house (even Senate) seats, I don’t know. Good luck to anyone trying to change the Senate and Supreme Court structure, regardless of how much it may be needed!

    1. I think this is important in other ways. It shows that our system incentivizes runs for the Presidency above all else. There could be any number of parties that focused on local or specific issues and worked their way up to become a national force – but it doesn’t happen in our system (or any other, perhaps). Years ago I thought the Green Party could do that, since pollution requires a lot of local knowledge and power to combat. But like the Libertarians it quickly became a refuge for cranks, grifters and wash-outs looking for one last platform, almost completely independently of what the part stands for.

      1. One thing that short circuited the Greens and will do the same for the DSA in local elections, was the move to make local elections non-partisan. Party affiliation didn’t matter till someone ran for a state legislative or county office, but for those being within the structure of a major party conferred benefits that minor parties had never developed.

    2. In some states parties are classified as major or minor. In my state, the paperwork and process requirements are radically different for the two: major parties need quite a lot of money and people just to conform to the laws.

      Due to a peculiar election, one of the minor parties here was reclassified as a major party. The following January they promptly dissolved because there was no way they could deal with the now mandatory paperwork, sat out a year, and then reorganized as a new minor party (with the same name).

    3. @Assad K They get nowhere because we have plurality winner-take-all systems for the House, Senate, and Electoral College. As well as Ross Perot did in 1992, the last time we had a meaningful third party candidate, he got zero Electoral votes.

      1. In case it is unclear to anyone: I am not, nor have I ever been, simply advocating for more parties on the ballot.

        I am advocating for structural changes that would make real multi-party competition possible and desirable for politicians.

  5. This framing – that the dysfunctional structure reinforces the deficient voter – is the strongest argument yet in this series of posts. Far from beating a dead horse, this exchange has been edifying so thanks for that.

    That said, I find myself not far from where I started and it all comes down to this idea from James’ post:

    If we simply eliminated the Electoral College and elected the President on the basis of the national popular vote, everyone’s vote would count equally.

    To put it bluntly, “simply” has no place in that sentence.

    And why? Because of the voters. Not enough voters want to change the system that would have us elect politicians who would drive reform.

    This is in large part what Steven repeatedly states, the voters don’t understand how the system perverts outcomes. But, for the most impactful bloc of voters, the rabid partisans that have been reinforced by the system, there is no incentive to change the structure. In fact, all the incentives are to maintain the status quo, because that is how they maintain their power.

    How do you shift those incentives? You start by not making excuses for the wavering middle who choose to side with illiberalism that serves their self interests. You revive guilt by association. You use every tool of influencing to convince people that moderation and compromise is preferable to getting everything you want at the cost of ceding the people’s power to the oligarchs and a system rigged by the moneyed. You wrest the middle away from the extremes.

    So, yes, the system reinforces and distorts the voters. But, the voters remain the barrier to reform.

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    1. @Scott F. Neither Steven nor I argue that changing the system is easy. Indeed, it’s damned near impossible. We just think it’s important to understand how much the system itself influences the outcomes.

  6. Just to be clear: I’m not against doing away with the Electoral College or reforming the way we appoint the Supremes. I’m in favor of both of those. It’s just that I think they aren’t game changers, just minor improvements

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  7. What if, rather than fighting each other for control of the Democratic Party, the Democratic Socialists and Third Way Democrats were both viable parties that could win seats in the legislature and compete for a place in the governing coalition?

    Then they still end up in a governing coalition with each other, having the same arguments.

    Take the same voters and media environment and put them in something like the UK’s Responsible Government model (which still has many of the flaws inherent in Single Member Districts), and you get considerably different outcomes.

    Yeah, like the UK’s constantly falling-apart multiparty governing coalitions, or Israel’s endless rightwing whackjob premierships, since a plurality of Israeli voters agree with Netanyahu — more than enough to keep the far right in the pole position and setting the agenda — and the opposition parties can barley ever agree or unite.

    The electoral college needs to go, but good luck to us on that. And there’s still no excuse — system, structure or otherwise — for voting to give the nuclear codes again to a pathological lying racist pedophile who incited a terror attack on Congress and sides with Putin over America and its allies. No excuse to vote for Hitler as US president, no excuse to vote for Dahmer as US president, no excuse to vote for Trump as US president. Major, major inexcusable and indefensible lapse of morality and decency by Trump voters. I will never stop blaming them for what they did. They should be ashamed of themselves (and fortunately, some now are, to their credit).

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    1. Then they still end up in a governing coalition with each other, having the same arguments.

      But in a multi-party system, there would be the potential to form a variety of possible coalitions purposefully, rather than having to just live with the one created by a given election within your party.

      And in a parliamentary system, you at least have to have a majority of seats backed by a majority of voters to be allowed to govern.

    2. Yeah, like the UK’s constantly falling-apart multiparty governing coalitions, or Israel’s endless rightwing whackjob premierships

      I would take the UK system, which is also flawed, over ours any day of the week. For example: Trump would not be the chief executive after this coming election if we had a parliamentary system, assuming the House goes as expected.

      And Israel is its own problem, including a system that is almost the opposite of ours in creating too many parties. That is its own conversation.

      The issue is not pick some counter-example; the issue is weighing decades (or oever a century in some cases) of governance across dozens of countries.

      1. Israel is its own problem, including a system that is almost the opposite of ours in creating too many parties. That is its own conversation.

        A conversation worth having. If study indicates there’s a sweet spot beyond which there’s diminishing returns, seems like that would be an interesting topic for a topline post.

        Or, if it’s a crapshoot with potential gain but high risk, that’s an interesting discussion as well.

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        1. @DK Some systems, the German one comes to mind, have floors (in Germany, it’s 5% of the national vote) below which minor parties get no seats. I haven’t studied the trade-offs nearly as much as Steven, but that strikes me as a reasonable compromise.

        2. Germany has a high legal electoral threshold (the 5% James notes) so as to make very small, ideologically extreme parties less likely to win.

          But even when a threshold is not legally mandated, all systems create some mathematical threshold as a result of the design of the system.

          Because the Knesset is elected in one national electoral district of 120 seats and uses formula (D’Hondt) to translate votes to seats, it naturally creates a very low threshold (IIRC, it is around 1% of the vote).

          The usage of one giant district with a highly proportional system means you get a lot of fragmentation.

          This is controllable via a number of design choices.

          It is worth noting that Israel’s system is a significant outlier. The only other nationally elected legislative body (one big district) that I can think of is Colombia’s Senate (although I think I might be forgetting one other). And in Colombia’s case, the system effects are lower because it is a presidential and bicameral structure.

        3. Correction: the electoral threshold in Israel is 3.25%

  8. Former President George W. Bush’s brother, Neil Bush, revealed on Tuesday that he crossed party lines to vote for Democrat James Talarico in the Texas Senate race while landing a stinging rebuke of Trump-backed Republican Ken Paxton and President Donald Trump.

    Bush, son of former President George H.W. Bush, announced via Facebook that he had cast his early ballot for Talarico, despite spending most of his life as a Republican.

    “I voted early today, and I voted for James Talarico for the United States Senate,” Bush wrote on Facebook, arguing that character “matters more than party affiliation.”

    “I have been deeply troubled by Paxton’s conduct as Texas Attorney General, particularly his decision to challenge the results of the 2020 presidential election in other states in an effort to help Donald Trump remain in power,” he wrote. “I believe that effort was an affront to our democratic institutions and the peaceful transfer of power…”

    More who know better need to speak up, before it’s too late.

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  9. In reply to Stephen’s question above:

    Could you name some countries that “produce a government that positively affects peoples lives?”

    Also: Could you name some examples of such policies in the US?

    No! That’s what is so frustrating about this. I was really hoping that some academics might focus on this, but you know the field and have stated in the past that you’re not aware of anyone who is looking at electoral systems versus government outcomes.

    I know there are some governmental outcomes that are measured. I’ve seen things on “ease of creating a business” in different countries. I think I’ve also seen something on ranking disaster response. And I can think of a few things that could be wormed out of other data – standard of living up or down, infant mortality, average lifespan, stuff like that.

    To me (and I appear to be far, far in the minority here), one of the most relevant things about an electoral system is what outcomes it produces in terms of governance. So if we look at mature democracies and look at different systems, how do they fare against those metrics (and, hopefully, better ones)? Do parliamentary systems fare better? If so, which kinds? And is it different for nascent democracies?

    I’m not arguing that electoral systems don’t matter. I’m simply frustrated by what is defined as “better/worse”.

    1. @MarkedMan Political scientists tend not to focus on normative questions like “positively effect people’s lives,” in that there’s no objective standard for that. But, certainly, some governments are better than ours at providing social welfare, infrastructure, and the like.

      1. Political scientists tend not to focus on normative questions like “positively effect people’s lives,”

        Interesting. What metrics do they typcially use to define “better” or “worse”?

        I suspect part of this is my engineering brain. We are taught from the beginning to identify “key parameters of value”, i.e. metrics that if we can increase or decrease will result in a tangibly better product for the user. And one of the things we have to safeguard against is chasing the wrong parameters. We constantly ask ourselves questions like, “Will increased efficiency be noticeable to the customer? Will faster performance matter here?” We have to tie it back to a tangible and significant improvement if we are going to spend time and effort on it. So, bringing it back to Political Science, “number of parties to chose from” doesn’t seem like a key parameter of value. I don’t see any direct connection to things that make a real impact on people’s lives.

        1. So, bringing it back to Political Science, “number of parties to chose from” doesn’t seem like a key parameter of value.

          Isolating extremists in smaller parties that cannot seize control of all of the government simply by winning one primary strikes me as a key parameter of value.

          Germany cannot be taken over by the AfD because the AfD is contained in one segment of the electorate.

          How is this not a measurable parameter of value?

          Or,

          Will increased efficiency be noticeable to the customer?

          If the customer (the voter) is able to choose a product (a party) that is more in line with their real preferences, how is that not a parameter of value?

    2. @MarkedMan

      No! That’s what is so frustrating about this.

      If you can’t even define what you are asking for, how can I supply an argument or evidence in this conversation?

      1. If you can’t even define what you are asking for, how can I supply an argument or evidence in this conversation?

        Essentially, I don’t think we can get anywhere here. You feel that “more parties to chose from” is an inherently better situation. To me, the number of parties you can chose isn’t inherently better or worse. I’m looking for more direct metrics. Something like, “In our survey, democracies with proportional representation consistently showed better median wage growth/lower infant mortality/lower death rates in equivalent national disasters”

        1. @MarkedMan

          You feel that “more parties to chose from” is an inherently better situation.

          Except that you are reducing thousands upon thousands of words to a highly inaccurate summary.

          And as an engineer, how would you respond if you were asked to make a better product, but your customer or your project manager won’t tell you what “better” even means?

          How can I make an argument or provide evidence if you are admitting you don’t really know what you want me to address?

        2. @MarkedMan

          The US has terrible infant mortality rates.

          But this just reminds me: Chapter 10 of A Different Democracy (which I think you said you read) had a plethora of such charts.

          It shows the US’ poor performance, relative to other cases in the book, on

          life expectancy
          infant mortality
          maternal mortality
          obesity
          imprisonment rates
          employment protection
          environmental protection
          income distribution
          government effectiveness
          democratic quality

          The US ranks poorly relative to other developed democracies (and often even the lower-income countries) on these metrics.

          We certainly do not perform in any empirical manner that suggests we have the best system for making public policy.

          How is this not at least some level of evidence that there is something wrong with our system?

          (Especially given our wealth.)

  10. I’ll again stress “actionable”. The electorate are a box of rocks, and always have been. And I see no realistic way to improve that. Our structures are bad, and I could list practical fixes from minor and easy, if we had a trifecta plus the court, to major requiring Constitutional amendments. Wonderful, no. Better, yes.

    No, democracy does not reliably produce good, even representative, results. My own take is that at best it puts a floor under how far the elites can screw over the population and how bad they can screw up. A minimal level of restraint that’s even lower in any other system that comes to mind. {Insert Churchill quote here.}

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  11. I think El Taco and his minions will do their worst to steal the midterm elections, including violence, and up to having Johnson refuse to seat or swear in any elected Democrats.

    Assuming this can be defeated and a proper elected Congress goes in session on schedule, meaning the 2028 general election will likely be fair, there will be some appetite among the democratic elites to change the system in order to prevent a recurrence.

    If they can see it.

    After January 6th 2021, it was well past obvious El Taco and the MAGAt deplorables were dangerous. No one needed Project 1933 or the practical examples we’ve been living with for the past two years. It was imperative to neutralize him by any means necessary.

    Instead Garland wasted the better part of 18 months, and didn’t move until the National Archives began to ask for their documents back.

    Now, maybe Garland simply wasn’t capable of, the horror, raising a hand against a former president (in title only). this just shifts the blame to Biden. he did try to “get things back to normal.” Given the events of January 6, this was the equivalent of bringing a strongly worded letter to a gun fight.

    One might argue the fixer court would have fixed things anyway with their fascist ruling declaring El Taco above the law. I’m sure they would have. But Jack Smith was ready to proceed after the verkakte decisions. Had the indictments for the insurrections dropped by mid 2021 rather than when they did, fixer court or not, Smith might have proceeded to trial, and much of the evidence would have been widely known.

    Of course, counterfactuals can’t be falsified. So we don’t know if the trial might have concluded before the election. It might not even have taken place, given El Taco’s MO of appealing every little legal decision against him to run out the clock. And he’d been so scared, he might have used his own money to secure continued legal representation. the trial might have ended with acquittal. People might still have been so down on Biden that they’d have voted El Taco in anyway had the trial not taken place by the election.

    We don’t know. And we can’t know.

    We do know the effort came late.

    And then there’s also the whole Biden campaign, along with the war on Gaza. That deserves a long comment of its own.

  12. @StevenTaking your points one by one:

    as an engineer, how would you respond if you were asked to make a better product, but your customer or your project manager won’t tell you what “better” even means?

    This is actually the norm! The beginning of every well run project is defining the “key parameters of value”, i.e. what is “better” and what is “worse”, and how important each parameter is.

    It shows the US’ poor performance, relative to other cases in the book, on
    .
    .
    .
    We certainly do not perform in any empirical manner that suggests we have the best system for making public policy.

    How is this not at least some level of evidence that there is something wrong with our system?

    I remember that chapter and it was frustrating. You don’t have to convince me that we underperform on all of these and other metrics. You don’t have to convince me that our system of government contributes to this poor performance in a significant way. What I’m struggling with is understanding what things we can change and how much impact they have. You say above that I’ve boiled down everything you’ve said to “more parties are good”, but I haven’t. I agree that there are problems with the veto, with the filibuster rule, with the separation of powers, and many other things you raise, and I accept your expertise in even the more complex areas I don’t completely understand. The one thing that I don’t see is any correlation between number of parties and effectiveness of governance, and that’s what I bring up.

    I just pulled up my copy of A Different Democracy on my iPad and see that it is actually open to chapter 10 and I’ve got a number of things highlighted. In the beginning you talk about how countries can differ in governance and then list some 40-50 democracies and how they are set up in those areas. Then comes the section marked “Public Policy” and it asks the question I’m interested in: What degree does the makeup and functionality of its institutions matter for policy outputs. There is a good case study of the US, PPACA, that takes us through the ways our governmental system impeded the passage and weakened it. (I’m going to reread this when I get time, as I like these types of things). Then there is the “Comparative” section. And there is a lot of good data in that section, to be honest, more than I remembered. It takes a lot of different parameters (very good parameters, better than I remembered), and then ranks the previously mentioned countries on those metrics, from best to worst. The reason I came away frustrated when I first read it (10 years ago?) was because, for things that I’m personally interested in (and I don’t expect that you will have the same interests), it doesn’t close the loop. You identify parameters of value, you identify differences in government, and then you rank a bunch of democracies. But how much do those differences in government contribute to the rankings? Which differences are most significant? When I asked, years ago, if there were researchers looking at that, you seemed to take it as an attack on your work rather than an honest search for someone whose research went in a slightly different direction.

    Looking back, I can probably take the charts and get at least some kind of correlations. There are a lot of other factors though. homogeneity of Population, history of intra-country strife, How long the countries have had roughly the same borders, inter-country strife over water and other resources, and so on. In the end, I’d love to find researchers who were focused on all the parameters that can lead to different tangible outcomes in quality of life, which ones we can affect and which ones we can’t, and how much difference we can make with the former group.

    So after re-looking at Chapter 10, I find I owe you an apology. There’s a lot more in there than I remembered even if it wasn’t exactly what I was looking for in the moment. I think I let the online discussion we were having cloud my view of the work, which was not fair.

    1. @MarkedMan It would likely be possible for me to address some of this in future posts.

      But let me accept this, and thank you for saying so:

      I find I owe you an apology

      In the meantime, maybe I will be able to make a better case, or maybe I won’t. We shall see.

      Understand that my goal is a healthier, better-functioning democracy, which I think requires more parties.

      In terms of a concrete policy example: we spend the most on health care, but do very poorly in a number of key areas in comparison to our other democratic cousins. Maybe that has nothing to do with our public policy-making mechanisms, but I think that it does, which is not to say that there may not be other relevant variables. But I do think that a better-functioning democratic system would have been able to produce better policy, and actual, competitive elections with real democratic feedback would help in ways that the current mess does not.